April 1, Keywords:
The reporting over the weekend about the white nationalist neo-Nazi confab in DC made me think, naturally, of the Weimar Republic.
The Weimar Republic was the short-lived experiment in German democracy between the great wars of the 20th century. The Weimar period was marked by political, economic, and social instability, and intense cultural creativity as well as decadence.
Weimar was time in which the center did not hold, and extremism took over the imaginations of many Germans, especially the young. Plainly we are not. Yesterday I checked out from my local library The Weimar Republic, a short history by the historian of modernity Detlev J.
A few things stood out to me, though The story of Weimar Germany is in many ways a story of the pressures faced by its young adults. Even before the Great War, Germany, like every industrialized nation, was struggling to contend with the forces of modernity shaking the foundations of Western life to the core.
Some because they believed that the $19, or so a year they earned as a starting wage-poverty level for a family of two-would stretch further than it proved to in Brandon. the slaughterhouse. As a woman who has been reading daily since she laid her hands on the her first copy of The Boxcar Children, and who has since made a career out of publishing and writing, I can s. The Jungle by Upton Sinclair best-seller shockingly reveals intolerable labor practices and unsanitary working conditions in the Chicago stockyards as it tells the brutally grim story of a Slavic family that emigrates to.
But the war did happen, and it thoroughly discredited the old order. German youth were left with a gaping spiritual hole in their soul, and nothing with which to fill it. That is, theirs was a crisis of meaning. The emerging liberal democracy of Weimar Germany could not resolve it. Weimar Germany struggled famously with economic crisis.
Youth unemployment was through the roof. Young adults in Germany at the time had grown up in a popular culture that celebrated youth in an extraordinary way.
They have been conditioned to think of themselves as special. Now, because of the war and the subsequent economic crisis, as well as the unavoidable ways that modern industrialization was breaking down stable economic order, they were faced with the disillusioning fact that there would not be a place for many of them in the economic order.
Young men and women who had done all the right things as prescribed by German society now found themselves without hope.
There was also in this a crisis of masculinity. Lots of young German men died in the war. Many men who came into adulthood during the Weimar years grew up without fathers.
Plus, the rapid liberalization of family and sexual mores, driven in part by nascent feminism and, in Berlin at least, the normalization of homosexuality and transsexualism, left a generation of young men confused about their purpose and identity in the emerging new society.
Political extremists of the Left and the Right stepped in to fill the void of meaning, and to give young men who felt they had no power over the direction of their lives a renewed sense of potency, of agency. The culture war of the s had political ramifications, writes Peukert.
The parties of the Right and the Center strongly reacted against modernizing cultural mores, which were popularly associated with Americanization. The parties of the Left considered the resistance to social liberalization to be an intolerable attempt to restrict individual rights and liberties.
Neither side was willing to compromise with the other. When they did compromise on legislation, neither side was satisfied, and kept the fight going. The elites ended by being totally discredited in the eyes of many Germans, making way for extremists.
Peukert says that every other major Western industrialized nation was dealing with the same crisis in that period, but it hit Germany especially hard, because of various historical reasons the war and its effects, hyperinflation, etc. One example of how helpless Germans felt, compared to other Western industrial powers: Great Britain and France, which had been savaged by the Great War, had, respectively, and It had suicides per million.
So, what does this have to do with us? People have a desire for solidarity that cosmopolitanism does not satisfy, immaterial interests that redistribution cannot meet, a yearning for the sacred that secularism cannot answer. And this, from Philip Rieff in Why had the churches lost their power to speak meaningfully and counterculturally to the young?
So where religion atrophies, family weakens and patriotism ebbs, other forms of group identity inevitably assert themselves. It is not a coincidence that identity politics are particularly potent on elite college campuses, the most self-consciously post-religious and post-nationalist of institutions; nor is it a coincidence that recent outpourings of campus protest and activism and speech policing and sexual moralizing so often resemble religious revivalism.
She wants a sense of belonging, a ground for personal morality, and a higher horizon of justice than either a purely procedural or a strictly material politics supplies.Upton Sinclair.
13 – Common Sense, One night I visited a slaughterhouse somewhere in the High Plains.
The slaughterhouse is one of the nation's largest. About five thousand head of cattle enter it every day, single file, and leave in a different form.
Raoul's arm got stuck, and it took workers twenty minutes to get it out. The. caseo don't know that this was as complicated as some of those other cases, like the slaughterhouse case, dred scott. susan: was it fair to think that to none of them are rose from the labor class?
prof. kens: i think that is fair. i do not think any role was from poverty. holmes was the son of an important doctor in boston and part of the. Her beautiful language depicts horrific conditions, shown to us through Maize's innocent eyes: "I would be a-cryen," she whispered to herself, "but all the tears is stuck inside me.
All the world is a-cryen, and I don't know for why. Finally, one of Hooper’s arms fell off, and the other, with "fat, water, and blood" dripping out at the ends of the fingers, stuck to what remained of his chest. At that point Hooper bowed his head forward and died. The intent in exposing conditions in factory farms is to expose suffering and unsanitary conditions.
Nobody taking videos in a farm are interested in stealing industrial secrets to build a competing farm. The book has been compared to Upton Sinclair’s classic Although scientific reports use terminology like “fecal matter,” 7 once the camera moves inside the slaughterhouse it is clear that Does that mean Detroit should stop making cars?” He describes the mixture of beauty and extreme poverty in Mexico, the minuscule wages.